LEADER 05386cam a2200409 a 4500003 hubpceuo 005 20230217084557.0 008 970613s1998 maua b 001 0 eng 010 97023453 020 067435091X (alk. paper) 040 DLC |cDLC |dDLC |dhubpceuo |beng 041 eng 043 e-gx--- 050 00 DD238 |b.F74 1998 082 00 943.085 |221 100 1 Fritzsche, Peter, |d1959- 245 10 Germans into Nazis / |cPeter Fritzsche. 260 Cambridge, Mass. : |bHarvard University Press, |c1998. 300 v, 269 p. : |bill. ; |c22 cm. 504 Includes bibliographical references (p. 237-264) and index. 520 Germans into Nazis combines a thorough command of recent literature with interpretive clarity, which in this case develops observations that Fritzsche conveyed in his first book, Rehearsals for Fascism. To support his argument regarding the significance of World War I in the development of populism, Fritzsche provides fascinating detail on the engagement of ordinary Germans, women especially, on the illustrated press as a medium for expressing popular grief, and on the ration lines and trainloads of food scavengers that forged a common bond among consumers. Taken together, those episodes spoke to the "subtle militarization" of civilian life that explains why, despite the evanescence of the Burgfrieden, the myth of the "national community" of self-sacrifice and perseverance became so tenacious. Fritzsche could have made much more of his recognition as to the racism embedded in the popular nationalist imagination, yet his suggestion as to the war's contribution to eliding the divisions that persisted in Germany after unification offers a possible explanation for why German nationalism in particular became so lethal. Finally, Fritzsche not only gives a lucid discussion of the populist aspects of Nazism, which revealed an impatience with elitist authoritarianism and the Honoratiorenpolitik of the traditional right; he underscores the centrality of the Volksgemeinschaft to National Socialism, the ideological scaffolding for the party's ambitious and destructive agendas. The party's emphasis on the ethnic community of solidarity and sacrifice merged seamlessly with productivism, expansionism, and the latent consumerist promise of a better life. Fritzsche's study indicates why it is now impossible to deny the contested nature of German politics and the assertiveness of petit bourgeois and peasant activists. Yet in common with the recent emphasis on radical nationalism, Fritzsche places the traditional right so clearly on the defensive as to minimize its contributions to the rise of the Nazi party and to the terror of the Third Reich. One does not have to accept stereotypes of wire-pulling field marshals, estate owners, and business tycoon paymasters that Fritzsche argues are still common, to recognize the symbiosis between populists and elites that coexisted with their mutual contempt. Even the fragmentation of Weimar politics, one evidence of the traditional right's "decline," not only magnified the impact of decisions at the highest levels of state, but also that of elites with access to Hindenburg, who saw the Nazis as useful to undermining Versailles and destroying the left. In addition, the electoral growth of Nazism itself owed something to the radicalization of the traditional right in the field. This was especially true of many nobles in the countryside, who, if they did not explicitly endorse the Nazis, became sufficiently militant as to discredit cooperation with the Republic. The economic and structural foundations of elites remained even if their political representation disintegrated to the benefit of the Nazis. Finally, the extent to which the quest for Lebensraum depended on the civil service, the military, and business suggests why Germany became so murderous, because the "new order" in Europe would not have been possible without an advanced state apparatus and military-industrial complex. Fritzsche asserts that the triumph of a popular, radical nationalist politics and its mobilization of violence became "Germany's twentieth century revolution" even as he recognizes that birth and status still mattered. Yet it is hard to conceive of the regime's extraordinary brutality as simply the product of ambitious, upwardly-mobile populists. If the relationship between conservative elites and Nazis was hardly harmonious, the Nazis nonetheless represented an effective antidote to "Marxism" and a way out of the Depression. 580 The Roger Griffin ComFas Collection 650 0 Nationalism |zGermany |y20th century. 650 0 World War, 1914-1918 |xSocial aspects |zGermany. 650 0 National socialism. 650 0 National characteristics, German. 651 0 Germany |xPolitics and government |y1918-1933. 651 0 Germany |xPolitics and government |y1933-1945. 651 0 Germany |xSocial conditions |y1918-1933. 651 0 Germany |xSocial conditions |y1933-1945. 880 |6245 942 |2ddc |cBK 952 |00 |10 |2ddc |40 |6943_085000000000000_FRI |70 |8GEN |9161315OSA |bOSA |d2023-02-01 |eComFas |l0 |o943.085 FRI |r2023-02-01 |w2023-02-01 |yBK |cGeneral Stacks 920 01 jeGbPgYN 992 01 943_085000000000000_FRI |bQVW_ZRUZZZZZZZZZZZZ_K8H 966 |cIn the Research Room